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Might the 2024 election be shaping up to be the most dishonest in recent history? Don’t get me wrong. I don’t mean people wilfully telling lies about things, although some undoubtedly are. I mean the mendacity of omission. The real issues, and the real facts, at best obscured and at worst withheld from the UK electorate.

Let’s start with the economy. The two main Westminster parties have concocted this new reality where no aspiration or objective can possibly be legitimate unless it is “fully costed” and you can say how it will be paid for. In a two trillion-pound economy with a myriad of moving parts this is pretty puerile stuff. Thatcher started it with the couthy “you can’t spend more than you earn” mantra. It was bollocks then. It’s bollocks now.

This is why the economic debate between the two main parties is dominated by allegations that each side has got its sums wrong and is hiding the necessity for cuts or higher taxes. So, if the Tories say they would like to phase out national insurance, Labour say they are going to cut the value of it from public spending. Likewise, if Labour promise to do something, not that there’s much of that, the Tories immediately claim they’ll be borrowing billions to do it.

This is a phoney war. And it is distracting, perhaps deliberately so, people’s attention from the main problem with UK economic policy. We know the effect of tax and spending plans over the next three years. It’s not a secret. The government published the figures alongside their last budget. And the independent Institute of Fiscal Studies says that if these financial plans don’t change then a gap emerges in the amount of money available, to fund public spending. The IFS would be the first to admits this is not an exact science, but they estimate that gap at around £18-20 billion.

So, the backdrop for this UK election is treasury plans which means cuts, in some cases severe cuts, in public budgets which pretty much everyone admits are already under too much pressure. But the most astonishing thing is that this is not a topic of argument or disagreement between Labour and the Conservatives. Labour says that they will not change Tory spending plans. And that’s before we even think about additional demands that may arise from groups of public sector workers who have seen their living standards fall and (not unreasonably) might expect an incoming Labour government do something about it.

This is a deceit upon the public. It will reap a bitter harvest. Elections ought to be times when serious questions are asked about big economic matters. Does the national debt really need to be paid down on the Tory timescale? No, it doesn’t. Should we be borrowing to fund a rapid expansion in health spending? Yes, we should. Could Britain’s three million millionaires be paying a bit more into the common good? Of course they could. Instead, we have this faux argument about whether the latest tweak has been fully costed.

It’s no better with other stuff. Take Brexit. A deliberate policy of the Westminster government delivered on the flimsiest of mandates, and against the express wishes of people in Scotland. More economic damage than Covid. Truly, the worst case of collective self-harm in history.

But people aren’t stupid. They know they were fooled once, and they want to change their minds. And yet, no Westminster party, not even the allegedly pro-European Lib-Dems will talk about it. This conspiracy of silence is really quite remarkable. Only the SNP is arguing for a European future, and we know that can only happen by having the political agency that comes with independence to make these decisions.

It’s clear this week that we can now add defence to the list of areas where a cosy Westminster consensus closes down real public debate. Labour is back in love with the bomb big style. Keir Starmer seems determined to pump up his macho image by relishing the prospect of pushing the nuclear button. This will bring further disillusion to Labour supporters who yearn for their party to advocate for peace and disarmament. Meanwhile it is left to the SNP to point out the madness of basing a defence strategy on the need for the annihilation of our species, which is why most NATO members don’t do it.

More than stupid, the fetish with trident also means Britain’s (and Scotland’s) conventional defences are drained of money for the stuff that actually matters; kit, munitions and tech. This is not an unpopular argument, even with the English public where 37% oppose nuclear weapons, and yet it will not get a mention in the UK wide campaign.

Next up, constitutional reform. I’m not talking Scotland here but other proposals to overhaul the archaic UK constitution. Abolition of the House of Lords, for instance. A clear majority of the public think it is wrong to have an unelected second chamber. The Tories say tough, they’re keeping it. Labour have hinted at change but the chances of it making the cut in their manifesto are slim.

Or take proportional voting, favoured by twice as many people as support the corrupt first past the post system. The leaders of the two big Westminster parties have set themselves against reform, determined to protect a status quo which gives them an advantage over smaller parties and stifles minority viewpoints. And so, the system that turns people off democracy and breeds alienation and apathy will continue.

And finally, on a tour round the big policy debates where you’ll struggle to get a cigarette paper between Labour and Tory, we arrive at immigration. You sort of hope that Labour’s got to be a bit more humane than the Tories hostile environment. But the basic premises are the same. Both big parties act as if immigration is a major existential threat to the UK.

Neither will make a positive case for people coming to these shores whether it be for work, or seeking sanctuary whilst fleeing persecution from dangerous parts of the world. Neither will tell you that the idea that immigrants are a drain of the economy is an unfounded prejudice and that in fact history tells us that immigration is both a cause and consequence of an economy doing well.

And the biggest truth that they will not tell is that without immigration the population of the UK would already be in decline, more so in Scotland. The UK fertility rate has now dropped below 1.5 per woman which means that the number of people born here is plummeting. That empirical fact won’t matter to Farage who will run a campaign of bombast and bigotry designed to use immigration to set communities against each other and build support for the far right. But Farage is what you get when you fail to promote an alternative.

So, as I’ve said before, the choices at this election for most people are limited within narrow parameters. People in England will grudgingly change their rulers, but without ambition or enthusiasm, and probably with fewer taking part than ever.

Thankfully we have other options in Scotland. Here we can tell the biggest truth of all; that if we had the power to make our own decisions we could, and would, make different ones. That is the notion central to this election. It’s time to be true to ourselves.

VOTE SNP FOR SCOTLAND’S FUTURE IN THE EU

As voting opens across Europe for the European Parliament elections, the SNP has called on people in Scotland to use the upcoming Westminster election to secure a future in the EU.

Tommy Sheppard, the SNP candidate for Edinburgh East and Musselburgh, has said the EU elections should serve a reminder that Scotland voted overwhelmingly to remain in the European Union but is being forced to suffer cuts and damage as a result of Westminster’s Brexit. 

Mr Sheppard has said “Brexit has wiped billions from the Scottish economy” and the Westminster parties have all rejected any prospect of rejoining the EU – only the SNP offers voters a pro-EU prospectus at the Westminster election on 4th July.

SNP candidate for Edinburgh East and Musselburgh,Tommy Sheppard, said:

“At this election, only a vote for the SNP will elect MPs who will work to deliver a better future for Scotland in Europe. 

“Despite voting to remain in the European Union, Scotland has been forced to suffer the damage that has been caused by Brexit. 

“Brexit has made life tougher for people across Scotland – it has pushed up household costs, wiped billions from the Scottish economy, and led to detrimental staffing shortages in sectors the length and breadth of our country – including in our NHS and care sector.

“It is quite frankly shameful that the Westminster parties have rejected any prospect of rejoining the EU. Only SNP MPs in Westminster will stand up for our relationship with our European neighbours and offer Scotland a route back to Europe and the world’s largest single market.”

The news that Summerhall is up for sale was greeted by shock and dismay by many. The maze of buildings in the former city veterinary school has won the affection of local people.

Maybe you’ve been to a performance in one of the quirky rooms that have been repurposed for the arts. Maybe you’ve been to celebration there. Or maybe you just remember a relaxing summer evening in the courtyard.

Over the last 13 years Summerhall has become a thriving hub of more than a hundred businesses. A unique arts complex. An asset for Edinburgh. Now all that could be under threat. But threat also offers opportunity.

The complicated patchwork of current leases are being sold with the buildings – a lot of going concerns. That means that wholesale redevelopment isn’t going to happen overnight. But in the hands of someone thinking of money, these leases could be run down one by one with current tenants sent packing and parts of the site redeveloped or sold off.

This salami style approach could see Summerhall dismantled step by step over the years to come. The possibility of that has been heralded by those marketing the site who talk about boutique hotels and student accommodation. This has done little to allay public fears.

Summerhall has been built on a shoestring. The shabby chic experience of walking through the venue belies the fact that it could be better if somebody spent a few bob on it.

So, could a sale be an opportunity to get much-needed investment into the complex? Maybe. But to help that happen we, the city, should take control of the situation.

That’s why I’ve written to the council calling on them to take a pro-active approach on developing a 25-year masterplan for the site. Working with existing occupants, through public consultation, plans could be drawn up to protect what we already have and build upon it.

We’re not powerless. Using planning and other powers, we can deter any unscrupulous or uncaring prospective buyers who are eyeing up the chance of making a mint at our city’s expense.

*You can read my letter to the Council Leader here

They found it hard to get the words out; the unionist leaders in our national parliament. Protocol and common decency dictated that they congratulate John Swinney on his election as the parliament’s choice for First Minister. But after a few words dutifully acknowledging the result, the SNP bad homilies poured out of them.

With all the grace of bar room bullies and even less goodwill, Douglas, Anas and Alex tried to pretend simultaneously that no real change had taken place, yet it was outrageous that so much had changed without either the SNP or the electorate getting a vote. That paradox seemed lost on its proponents.

I called for a general election when Liz Truss became Prime Minister of the UK. So did many in my party. Why? Because on that occasion her appointment represented – by her own admission – a fundamental change in the government’s policy direction. This was not about implementing the mandate Johnson obtained in December 2019, but going far beyond. And that, rightly, ought not to happen with the public being consulted.

The handbrake turn Truss applied to the UK economy left it in a ditch. I’m not claiming it would have worked better had it been the choice of the electorate, but maybe they would have felt slightly less cheated about paying the consequences in higher prices and mortgages.

John Swinney, by contrast, is standing to lead a fixed term parliament and deliver the mandate his party was given May 2021. He will, of course, have a distinct focus and put his stamp on government, but the general social-democratic programme of the SNP government is unchanged.

There was no internal election for one reason and one reason only – the members did not want it. Several factors played into that outcome. The imminence of the UK general election; a view that there were better ways to spend £70k; the bruising leadership election just over a year ago which left many feeling once bitten, twice shy.

All of this was wrapped up in an overwhelming desire to get back on course, to achieve, and to win back those in the electorate who clearly are upset and angry at the party’s lack of focus in recent times. And when someone of the calibre of John Swinney was persuaded to put himself forward our members grabbed the opportunity with both hands. It was, as they say, a no-brainer.  

It worked. This week the party is as united, driven and focused as I have ever seen.

The unionist parties gave it about ninety seconds before going on the attack. If you are to believe them everything in Scotland is disastrous, crime is rife, our schools are failing, the NHS is in crisis, the country is falling apart. They hope through repeated assertion to create an avalanche of despair that will metastasise into anger and resentment of the SNP.

Their problem is that people are not daft. They are not fooled by statistics presented without context or comparison. Of course there are many problems in Scotland, some could be laid at the door of the SNP government, but most are the result of squeeze and constraint by Westminster.

We have avoided strikes in our health service resulting in better pay and higher morale. Challenges exist but people, particularly those who are in contact with friends and family in England, know things are better in Scotland. More young people from poorer backgrounds are going to higher education than ever before. There are fewer children in poverty due to the pioneering Scottish Child Payment. Free buses and cheaper rail fares are making public transport more attractive.

Our opponents try to present John Swinney as the continuity candidate, proclaiming nothing will change. They wish. It’s a bit rich to call someone a continuity candidate when he led the party before his recent successors held the office of First Minister.

Humza Yousaf is a warm, passionate, and thoughtful politician. Given a fair wind he could have had a longer and more productive term. But few were content to be fair. He was consumed in a vortex of SNP bad finding it hard and in the end impossible to escape. The closeness of his election undoubtedly didn’t help. It takes time to build and develop a mandate in office when the route to getting there was divided. And he was not helped by constant criticism both from within the partnership government and without.

Already, circumstances are different, have been made different, for the new First Minister. John Swinney already has the gravitas and respect that others in his position could only aspire to over time. He has a united party behind him. He is free from the obligations of a formal coalition agreement and is able to make alliances of the willing where he can. Undoubtedly, they will try, but our unionist detractors will find it much harder to make the dirt stick this time.

And so to independence.

This is what worries our opponents most. Their attack is two pronged. First, insist that independence is an abstract constitutional fixation removed from real public policy matters. Second, deny the government have a mandate to pursue the debate on how we are governed.

It is clearly an intellectual nonsense to pretend that how we are governed, and the output of that governance are unconnected. Maybe some of the fault is our own. Maybe the focus on how independence happens rather than why has allowed this false narrative to take root.

But is looks as if the hallmark of the Swinney era will be to reset and reposition the case for independence within the ambition for social and economic change that so many of our citizens desire. This is welcome. It brings together a strategy of maxing out the existing devolved powers of the parliament with an argument for more. It is at the point where the ability of the Scottish parliament is exhausted that the case for national autonomy is compelling.

A focus on child poverty is good place to start. Real improvements can be made by current Scottish government action – the Scottish Child Payment does just that. But this is mitigation, not elimination.

Children are poor because their parents are poor. One reason for this is because they have insecure and badly paid jobs.

To tackle this we need improved rights at work. We need a higher statutory minimum wage. The Scottish government has the power to do neither. In demanding such powers right now we make the case for independence.

So, we should be clear going forward. Political independence for our country is not about identity, but agency. About having the ability to change Scotland for the better. Not decades in the future but right now.

As we connect the argument for independence with the power to change, we must also insist on the democratic right of the people of Scotland to choose how they are governed. The people voted three years ago for a majority in the Scottish parliament pledged to offer that right to choose by pursuing another referendum. The Tories and Labour have denied them that right. They still do so.

It will soon be time to renew that mandate and pursue it with increased purpose and vigour. Which is why as we seek the transfer of legislative powers to Scotland, the one that matters most will be the right of the elected parliament here to decide how and when the people are consulted on their future governance.

Join Tommy Sheppard, Stephen Flynn and Jeane Freeman as they discuss what will happen after the next general election. Book here

How will a large group of SNP MPs be able to influence the agenda at Westminster, hold Labour to account and help win independence for Scotland?

What levers do they have open to them and how will they apply pressure to Westminster to deliver the best for Scotland?

Tommy, Stephen and Jeane have a wealth of experience and insight, so come and take part in the discussion in this unique campaign event.

The bar will be open and (of course) there will be a raffle too and plenty of time to meet our special guests and socialise with SNP friends in what will be a relaxed and informative evening.

Tickets are £7 plus booking fee with proceeds going to the re-elect Tommy Sheppard campaign.

Doors open 6.30pm for a 7pm start- 9pm finish. Bar open until 10pm.

She was just seven years old. Her whole life ahead of her. And now she’s dead, drowned in the English Channel on Tuesday when an inflatable boat overcrowded with desperate people capsized.

Four others perished too. This is the third fatal incident involving people trying the cross the channel in small boats this year. It’s a deadly business.

Hours earlier the UK parliament passed the Tory government’s Rwanda bill after more than four months of wrangling. This bill purports to stop the dangerous channel crossings by deterring people with the threat of deportation to Rwanda should they try to do so. It will do nothing of the kind.

It is a horrific piece of legislation which should shame all those who voted for it and which will be a stain on the UK’s reputation as a liberal democratic country. Already the United Nations has said it is incompatible with the Refugee Convention and asked for it to be reviewed.

Central to the bill is the declaration that Rwanda is a safe country. This is in response to the Supreme Court’s judgment last year that it was not, and that therefore people seeking protection and asylum should not be sent there.

The Tories’ position is that Rwanda is safe because they say it is. In much the same way last year’s immigration act made it illegal to cross the channel in a small boat, even though it had been perfectly legal up to then. And then they said that because people had reached the UK illegally, they no longer had any rights to claim asylum.

This is in contravention of international law, but no matter according to the Tories. They are legislating to change reality, to say black is white, bad is good. They are creating a twisted parallel existence which is far away from the international humanitarian law that the countries of the world adopted in the aftermath of the second world war.

In the weeks ahead the number of small boat crossings will go up as the weather improves. But it will still be very dangerous. So, ask yourself this: why would the parents of that seven-year-old girl take the risk they did? Why will others? Why will they give every penny they have to smugglers and squeeze into dangerously overcrowded dinghies to risk death to get here?

The answer is simple. The terror that lies ahead of them is much less than the terror behind. These people are fleeing persecution from places where the basic rights we enjoy do not exist. Where women are locked up for dressing as they please, where gay men are thrown off the top of high buildings, where holding an alternative view or criticising the government gets you tortured and detained.

The people in those small boats are trying to find a better life for themselves and their children. They are escaping tyranny and asking for our help. In response we have declared them criminals.

If the threat of death is not going to act as a deterrent, why on earth would anyone think that the threat of being deported to Rwanda will be one? That is the central stupidity of this proposed scheme which involves the possible deportation of just a few hundred people. Having struggled across a continent, faced down every adversity, made it this far, it is ridiculous to think that anyone would not go the final twenty miles because of a five to ten percent chance they might be sent to Rwanda.

The government voted down every attempt to add some compassion into its proposals. Resisting for instance the notion that Afghans who had served alongside British forces and were now fleeing the Taliban might be exempted.

The Tories are determined to weaponise immigration as a means to distract people from their abysmal failures as the election looms. It is a desperate and sordid attempt to demonise some of the world’s most vulnerable people for their own political ends. They need to be challenged.

There never used to be small boat crossings. In 2018 fewer than 300 crossed for the whole year. So, what happened? Are more people trying to claim asylum in the UK?  Are we really facing some sort of dramatic rise in migration that might provide evidence for the wild Tory claims of invasion and swamping? No, we are not.

The only reason why we have people trying to come here in small boats, in a fashion now officially illegal, is that the government has closed down almost every legal means of people claiming asylum in the UK. The government claims it wants to disrupt the organised criminal gangs behind the people smuggling. Really? The truth is it was this government who created the business model for these gangs, who gave them the opportunity. Without the Tories’ policies the gangs would be nowhere.

We must also demand a sense of perspective against the claims that the number of migrants trying the get here represent some sort of existential threat to the survival of the country. We’ve all heard the sort of rubbish, “Britain is full up”, “any more will put the country under”.

What nonsense. Last year just under 30,000 made the journey, about 82 people a day. That’s 82 people arriving on a big island where close to sixty-eight million people live. About two thirds of those claiming asylum the UK were granted protection. At this rate we would need small boat crossings at the current level to continue for 50 years in order for numbers to reach a million people.

Immigration is a good thing. Throughout history the inward migration of people has been a positive benefit to those countries they call home. Today’s migrants in the main are young, fit, educated, and motivated, many with skills that would be of enormous advantage to us. Far from being a drain on our economy they would be a positive addition to it.

We can only hope that a new government will roll back on the right-wing xenophobia which now underpins immigration policy. Certainly, that is what the SNP will be pressing it to do. And as we promote our prospectus for an independent Scotland, we will ensure it encourages people to make our country their new home.

We live in a dangerous world. War, famine, climate catastrophe and political repression are drivers for more people to move for a better life than ever before. And unlike a generation ago everyone can now access information on their smart phone.

If we are to create a stable and sustainable world and ensure the survival of our species these problems will need to be tackled at source.

But in the meantime, the UK has a moral and legal responsibility to play its part in providing sanctuary and support for the most vulnerable people on the earth. Trying to get out of that responsibility by offloading it to Rwanda is reprehensible.

We must re-establish safe and legal routes by which people can apply for asylum. We must deal with their claims efficiently. This could be easily done by switching the millions spent on detaining people with pending applications to provide new trained staff to deal with their cases. And in the meantime, let applicants work, earn, and pay tax whilst they are waiting.

Doing that would save money, treat people fairly and create a greater degree of social cohesion in our communities and internationally. It wouldn’t of course allow the Tories to scapegoat immigrants and mobilise prejudice for political advantage.

I’m hosting a free advice event alongside Age Scotland and the WASPI campaign to support women affected by the UK Government’s pension policy.

The event will update constituents affected by the pension shortfall as estimates have revealed there are more than 3,000 women in the Edinburgh East constituency who have lost out due to the UK Government’s handling of changes to the state pension age.

It will take place on Friday, April 26 at Portobello Library, 14 Rosefield Avenue, Edinburgh EH15 1AU from 1pm to 2pm.

Following the publication of the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman report, UK Ministers have so far failed to give a guarantee that they will honour the recommended payments. Labour have also so far failed to make any pledges to commit to pay outs for women impacted. The SNP has been campaigning for those affected to receive full compensation for the estimated 342,000 WASPI women across Scotland, which is the central ask of the WASPI campaign.

This event on April 26^th will set out the ombudsman’s recent recommendations regarding compensation, what the next steps are and also give people a chance to raise issues with their local MP to take these up with UK Ministers.

Age Scotland will be on hand alongside the WASPI campaign and I to give an update for affected women on the situation and also answer any questions to help those affected access additional financial help.

Frankly, it’s nothing short of a betrayal that Labour and the Tories are still refusing to join our call to fully compensate the women who have been badly let down by the UK Government.

The report from the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman could not have been clearer: the WASPI women were failed by Westminster, and this needs to be put right. 

“I’ll be putting as much pressure as possible on the Tories and Labour to fully compensate the thousands of women across Edinburgh East and the many more across the country.

One of the most tragic aspects of all this is that thousands of WASPI women across Scotland have already died without receiving justice. I’ve been inspired by the determination of the women who have contacted me on this issue, and I’m determined to continue to do everything I can to support them.

I’m particularly delighted to have input from Age Scotland who will be on hand to support anyone attending with advice. They’ve been campaigning very strongly on this issue alongside the SNP and others to demand action of the UK Government with Katherine Crawford, Age Scotland’s Chief Executive saying in support of the upcoming event:

“The rise to State Pension Age left millions of women in great hardship, and WASPI campaigners have been fighting for many years to address this injustice. These women have waited long enough for vindication and can’t afford to wait even longer to be fairly compensated. Now is the time for swift action from the UK Government and Parliament.

“Our helpline advisors will be on hand at this important event to offer information about social security and making sure people are getting everything they are entitled to.”

Many people are still just making ends meet, still suffering from the tory cost of living crisis. So, imagine without warning, you get an overnight increase in your heating bills. Not by 10%. Not 20%. But by 500%!

That’s exactly what has happened this month to residents in Greendykes and other parts of the city where they are part of a district heating scheme. People are angry, and with good reason. Out of the blue they found their heating account charges had suddenly gone up from five pence a unit to 26 pence, adding up to £200 a month to bills. No notice, no explanation, just an automatic adjustment to their online accounts.

The Greendykes residents – some tenants, some owners – live in a new development built and managed by Places for People, a major housing association with property throughout Scotland. I backed residents in demanding the association step in to stop these ridiculous hikes by their contractors. To their credit, they have now said they will reverse the increase until they review the charges, but this is only a temporary measure.

The problem needs to be sorted at source. And the source is a crazy UK government energy support policy which treats district heating schemes as if they were commercial businesses rather than a collection of individual residents.

That means that the domestic energy cap set by Ofgem – currently 5.82 pence per unit – doesn’t apply to residents with gas or electric district heating sources but does still cover their individual electricity use.

District heating schemes are undoubtedly a good thing. More efficient, better for the environment. But UK government policy currently makes it five times more expensive than if folk had induvial boilers.

This has been a disaster waiting to happen. And after the business energy support scheme ended on 31^st March, it is now happening.

I’ve written to Claire Coutinho the UK energy minister demanding urgent action to bring domestic district heating schemes under the Ofgem energy price cap. It’s a no brainer. Easy to do, regulations could be prepared and agreed in a few weeks. Let’s see if we can get a government that has been asleep at the wheel to finally wake up.

Get your ticket here for what will be a fantastic evening to raise funds for our re-election campaign:

Val McDermid in conversation with Humza Yousaf and Tommy Sheppard Tickets, Tue 23 Apr 2024 at 19:00 | Eventbrite

Thinking about your holidays? Turkey seems nice.

You’ll have seen the adverts on the telly. Happy healthy young people enjoying themselves on the Aegean coast. Looking like a cross between the casts of The Apprentice and Love Island, they soak up the sun, demonstrate prowess at water sports, and dine in Michelin restaurants and dance the night away. Capricious and carefree, everything is wonderful. Yes, Turkey seems nice.

If you live there, not so much.

Even more so if you are one of the minority Kurdish population.

Two weeks ago, there were municipal elections all over Turkey. Pro-Kurdish parties were expected to do well, not only in Eastern areas where they are the majority population, but in major cities where they represent the principal opposition to President Erdogan’s ruling AKP party.

One such area is the historic city of Van in Eastern Turkey – a place about the same size as Edinburgh. Abdullah Zeydan was the candidate for mayor for the Kurdish leftwing DEM party. He is no stranger to political repression having previously spent six years in prison for criticising the Erdogan government – an offence under the Turkish penal code. Released in 2022 he had his candidacy approved by the Supreme Election Board. On Sunday 31^st March he got 55% of the votes cast in Van’s mayoral election.

No sooner were the votes counted than the Ministry of Justice demanded the local court disbar Zeydan and replace him with Erdogan’s candidate who had received just 27% of the vote. It’s hard to imagine any government so blatantly overturning an election result in this way.

The decision sparked mass protests not just in Van but all over Turkey and drew international condemnation. On this occasion there was a happy ending. Three days later on April 3^rd, the Supreme Election Council overturned the local court and re-instated the elected mayor. This most egregious attempt to subvert a local election has been thwarted, but this is but one example amongst many in a systematic campaign by the Turkish government to silence its opposition.

The DEM party had been expected to do well and indeed they did. But they still had to overcome serial unlawful attempts to undermine the elections. Earlier in the year DEM released a summary of illegal voter registration in 21 constituencies where their support was strong. These are blatant attempts at major fraud to tip the balance against them.

An example is in Siirt city centre which DEM’s predecessor the HDP won narrowly in 2019 against Erdogan’s AKP.  Since last May’s general election registered voters at one address increased from 10 to more than 2,000 and at another building – owned by the police – from 7 to 1,996. At a third address which hadn’t previously existed, 2,555 men who have never voted before in Siirt now appeared on the register.

These are the ones that were spotted. It seems reasonable to think that with ballot stuffing on this scale, some of it has bound to have been undetected.

But fraudulent voter registration is very much the soft end of a campaign of political repression against Kurdish representation which has being going on for decades. The HDP, now DEM, can testify to being on the receiving end of political violence for a very long time. Their leaders, including MPs, have been jailed, their offices ransacked by mobs and their organisation demonised as terrorists by a media which is pretty much in the pocket of the president.

Modern Turkey has always had a built-in tension with that part of Kurdistan which it incorporated early in the last century, but it has been turbocharged since the military coup of 1980. Until 1991 the very existence of Kurds was denied, the Turkish government referring to them as “mountain Turks”. The Kurdish language was banned, and those who spoke or sung in it were imprisoned. Still today, it is illegal for schools to teach in the Kurdish language, even in places where that is the language spoken by most of their pupils.

Parties which tried to represent a Kurdish interest were banned in the 1990s and still play a cat and mouse game with the central state even today. This official denial of all things Kurdish led to resistance movements like the PKK and a guerrilla war fought with the government. Turkey proscribed the PKK as a terrorist organisation and set about enlisting the support of the US, EU and others to do the same. Keen to keep Turkey as a NATO ally, most of them obliged, although international courts have ruled that this did not follow international standards of due process.

Since Erdogan’s election as president in 2014 he has doubled down on demonisation of the Kurds. Following the failed 2016 coup, Kurdish parties who had opposed the coup were nonetheless blamed for it and their repression intensified. Erdogan unashamedly nurtured and galvanised a right-wing Turkish nationalism in which minorities like the Kurds were the enemy. Speaking Kurdish, or engaging in Kurdish cultural activities was likened to terrorist activity. And it worked. Last year, despite widespread and coordinated centre-left opposition in the urban areas, Erdogan achieved a majority in the general election and was returned for another term.

Article 299 of the Turkish penal code makes it an offence to insult the President. It is punishable by four years in prison. And what constitutes an insult appears to be in the ear of the person receiving it. Since Erdogan became president the number of prosecutions under this provision have risen exponentially. The president, it seems, has something of a thin skin. This is an exercise in power, not vanity; the articles are used to suppress and outlaw political criticism and dissenting views.

It’s not just the Kurds who are on the receiving end of political repression in contemporary Turkey. Many human rights activists have fallen foul of the state authorities too. The most prominent in recent years being Osman Kavala, sentenced to life in 2022 on flimsy evidence which has been condemned by the Council of Europe and many Western governments (though not the UK).

It is, however, the Kurdish question which is the running sore that divides Turkey against itself, discriminating against its minority population, and preventing it becoming a modern democratic country at ease with itself. From demonising their culture to razing their villages the ground, the attacks by the Turkish state have driven many Kurds to leave. Many are here. The next time you go to a “Turkish” restaurant, you will most likely be served by Kurds. There is a “Scottish Solidarity with Kurdistan” group on Facebook who keep people up to date and coordinate support.

Kurdish people need, and deserve, our solidarity. We should begin by insisting that the Erdogan government ends it war on its own people and restarts the abandoned peace process with the PKK. Central to this will be the release of the Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan.

The man who founded the PKK long ago turned away from the armed struggle and for decades he has been advocating peaceful transition and co-existence. He has led the Kurds away from the notion of an independent state and towards the idea of respect and autonomy with the existing states of the near East. His writings on bottom-up community cooperation have inspired social movements throughout Kurdistan. 

And he has done this for the last 25 years from a prison cell. Since being abducted by Turkish intelligence in 1999 he has spent his time incarcerated in a prison on Imrali island which the government built just for him. Ocalan is the key not just to justice for the Kurds, but for a brighter future for all of Turkey. Our government should join the calls for his release and stop turning a blind eye to the serial human rights abuses in Erdogan’s Turkey.